El planeta de los Frikis (Spanish Edition)

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ISBN 13: 9786073140096

And so, once again Cultura Econ6mica, Joaquin Mortiz. The other, born of the great tradition of Latin American populism, is nationalist, strident, and close-minded. The first is well aware of its past mistakes as well as those of its erstwhile role models in Cuba and the Soviet Union and has changed accordingly. The second, unfortunately, has not. Beyond referencing Venezuela as a shorthand for authoritarianism, these conservative critics of Podemos in Spain generally have unsophisticated accounts of Latin American politics.

But their attempts to provoke instinctual negative responses by invoking their former colonies frequently serve as moments to reflect on burgeoning left-wing movements in Spain such as the anti-eviction movement and, especially, the indignados movement of The final critical prong that appears in the essays in podemos concerns the media presence of some Podemos members.

e-book El planeta de los Frikis (Spanish Edition)

It too is often treated as an intervention from the outside. This subtle reframing of the conservative assessment of the party empties Podemos of political ideology, reducing it to a question of media time and strategy and, in the process, repackaging the formalistic critique as a strategy for reinvigorating the Right. What the Right in Spain must do to counter Podemos, Carrillo suggests, has less to do with questioning the soundness of its underlying ideological commitments than it does with clothing them in the new vocabulary of indignation.

But in Spain, the Right has long relied on conservative talking points that date back to the Franco era without having refurbished them. This strategy consists, according to Carrillo, of getting close to the streets, listening to what messages they launched, and what protest and petitioning words citizens were using, in order to, later, and once sifted and wrapped with adequate formality, return these messages to the street, transformed into pure nitroglycerine: incendiary, revolutionary, and indignant discourses.

Establishment parties like the PP and PSOE, Carrillo notes, have made their political structures impermeable, which means that not only can they not adapt to changing political circumstances, but they also cannot maintain any kind of close relationship to the public sphere. He has worked and campaigned for Ciudadanos, the new right-wing party that has managed to siphon votes from the PP by focusing its message on corruption in politics. The publication of podemos in the summer of launched a cottage industry of conservative books critical of the new leftist party.

It would take, however, until the autumn for it to pass the baton to a successor. Perhaps owing to its rushed publication, what immediately stands out about the book is its overwhelming amount of direct and block quotations. Books were expensive at the time and citation practices prized full-length quotations as much for their ability to centralize information into one volume as a means for displaying the honesty of the scholar — readers could evaluate the scholarship by referring to the entire quotations in full instead of relying on scholarly summaries that might otherwise miss important aspects of the passages they cite.

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People who otherwise would simply have voted for the other major party, in protest to the previous administration, instead decided to vote for a different party altogether, which in the weeks leading up to the elections was expected by most polls to perhaps achieve one representative at best. Had these voters been motivated by ideology, they would have cast their protest vote in favour of similarly minded parties such as the centre-right Ciudadanos party or the farright Vox party.

But they were not. A Podemos circle is an assembly-like formation that emerged from the indignados movement during the summer of Divided into sectorial and thematic types, Podemos circles are open to anyone and their agendas revolve around debate, developing policy and proposing solutions to issues deemed important by its members. Timermans, in his discussion of Podemos circles, points to the existence of a Muslim Circle in the party as something that should worry both Podemos partisans and non-partisans alike.

Podemos, as one might assume, also has a Jewish Circle, a Catholic Circle and a Progressive Spiritual Circle, yet curiously Timermans does not think to mention these other religious groups associated with the party. He explains early on in the book that, in the fallout of the elections for the European Parliament, the Right debated whether to ignore or use the emergence of Podemos to spark fear in its constituents.

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The belief was that this would convince those who had decided to support Podemos to flock back to the PP. But, for him, that the Right is not willing to overhaul its failed politics of racking up numbers for a new ideological project exhibits the extent of its deterioration. The fear of Podemos.

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The PP, further to the right than the Conservatives in Britain or the Christian Democrats in Germany, has maintained a disciplined public face despite the direct ties of its leaders and supporters to the Franco regime. Part of this has to do with its decision to become a mainstream party in a liberal democracy, thereby incorporating more moderate sectors of the Right.

Another part also has to do with structurally accepted forms of racism that persist in Spanish society, toward North Africans, Gypsies and other marginalized ethnic minorities.

Examen Final

It is available at eprints. Aldershot, [20] 03, pp.

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